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Educación

Breve análisis de la trayectoria educativa en España

Cuarenta años después de la falacia de la transición, la situación de la educación en el territorio del estado podría describirse como un “scrabble” de siglas, un terreno abonado para la discusión ideológica y la imposición de los postulados de los partidos que desde entonces se han ido alternando en el poder.

Desde la aplicación de la EGB en 1.970, el desfile de siglas ha sido incesante: La LGE, la LODE, la LOGSE, la LOCE, la LOE, la LOU… en total, ocho leyes de enseñanzas no universitarias y otras tres de formación superior, cuya aprobación parlamentaria siempre ha contado con los votos en contra de la oposición de turno.
De hecho, la propuesta del último gobierno socialista de crear un pacto general por la educación fracasó estrepitosamente, ante la avidez de los grupos políticos de disponer con facilidad de la posibilidad de la implantación de sus ideologías a través del sistema educativo.

Entre las cesiones más lesivas para un sistema educativo público y gratuito hay que destacar la creación de la red de centros concertados en los años 80 bajo el amparo del gobierno de Felipe González, escuelas privadas financiadas con fondos públicos cuyo sistema, 25 años después, está “desvirtuado”, según sus propios ideólogos. Las estadísticas de escolarización demuestran que un 90% de los alumnos y alumnas con necesidades especiales son asumidos por los centros públicos. Los desmanes en los centros concertados se incrementaron con la asunción de las comunidades autónomas de parte de las competencias en materia educativa. La Confederación Española de Asociaciones de Padres y Madres de Alumnos (CEAPA) ha denunciado que muchos colegios privados-concertados se escudan en criterios de escolarización fijados por los gobiernos de algunas CC.AA. para impedir la escolarización de alumnos inmigrante, gitanos, con bajo nivel socioeconómico, con necesidades educativas especiales o con bajo rendimiento académico. La predilección por parte de ciertos gobiernos autonómicos de derechas por la enseñanza privada y concertada es de una evidencia aplastante en la comunidad de Madrid, donde el 50,4% de los centros escolares son privados y concertados, aunque más de la mitad de la población estudiantil sigue matriculada en colegios públicos.

Pero la educación no sólo está mediatizada por los intereses políticos y partidistas. La iglesia católica, todopoderosa durante la época de la dictadura franquista, se ha resistido siempre a perder la oportunidad de adoctrinar gratuitamente desde los púlpitos de la escuela. Por ello, se apresuraron en enero de 1979 a firmar un concordato en el que, a rasgos generales, se establece que la oferta de la religión católica sería obligatoria para los centros, y que el personal encargado del adoctrinamiento sería elegido por la autoridad religiosa pero pagado con dinero público. Este acuerdo no ha sido revisado ni derogado jamás. En una estado supuestamente aconfesional, no se contempla la existencia de especialistas de Educación Física, por ejemplo, en la etapa de Educación Infantil, pero sí la de adoctrinadores de religión. En comunidades como la andaluza se ha llegado incluso más lejos: a partir del próximo curso 2012 – 2013 será obligatoria la oferta de religión evangélica, por lo que en lugar de hacia la laicidad, nuestros centros públicos tenderán a desviarse hacia la multiconfesionalidad.

En un sistema educativo que se valora en base a rendimientos y resultados, España sigue estando por debajo de la media de la OCDE en la evaluación de las tres competencias básicas (comprensión lectora, matemática y científica). Se evidencia así que ninguno de los planes que se han intentado instaurar ha tenido el éxito esperado. El más reciente, el fiasco de la orden de calidad, que incluso fue recurrida ante los tribunales, y que establecía una retribución económica extra en función a la mejora de los resultados académicos.

La situación respecto a la inversión de dinero público en educación es también significativa: España invierte un punto por debajo menos en Educación que la media de la Unión Europea. El gasto educativo en relación al P.I.B. no sube en los últimos años. Sin embargo, sí nos situamos a la cabeza de las listas en lo que se refiere a abandono escolar temprano o agresiones en las aulas entre los/as alumnos/as y hacia los docentes.

Los recortes en educación: una nueva agresión a la enseñanza pública

Y en esta situación, y al amparo de la crisis generada por el sistema capitalista, el gobierno de Rajoy acomete una serie de reformas y recortes que justifican en la imperiosa necesidad de mantener un sistema de educación pública, gratuita y universal.

La Reforma Laboral ya avanza camino a este respecto. Las causas económicas justificativas de un despido objetivo en el sector público no será la “disminución del nivel de ingresos o ventas durante tres trimestres consecutivos”, sino una “insuficiencia presupuestaria persistente” o “causas técnicas y organizativas”. Y aunque por el momento, el personal funcionario no se ve afectado por las medidas -hasta que decidan modificar el estatuto de los / as trabajadores / as públicos / as-, La reforma laboral del Gobierno de Mariano Rajoy abre la puerta al despido objetivo del personal laboral del sector público. Así, los entes públicos podrán despedir pagando una indemnización de 20 días por año trabajado, hasta un máximo de 12 mensualidades, a aquellos trabajadores que no sean funcionarios de carrera: personal laboral o eventual.

Y después de la Reforma Laboral, los Presupuestos Generales del Estado correspondientes al año 2012 culminan -hasta el momento- los ataques al sector educativo, con una reducción presupuestaria del 21,9% frente al ejercicio anterior, porcentaje escandalosamente superior si se compara con los recortes en las partidas de defensa (-8,8%), seguridad ciudadana e instituciones penitenciarias (-0,8%), la casa real (-2%), o los fondos públicos dedicados al mantenimiento de la iglesia (-0%). En una rueda de prensa posterior a la presentación de los presupuestos, Montserrat Gomendio, Secretaria de Estado de Educación, justificaba los ajustes en la obligación de establecer “… prioridades para solucionar las cifras de fracaso escolar y abandono escolar temprano, la necesidad de fomento del empleo juvenil mejorando la F.P.”,mientras que mediante el mantenimiento de la cantidad consignada para becas generales se garantiza la equidad en el acceso a la enseñanza. Sin embargo, desaparece el programa Educa 3, de extensión de la red de escuelas infantiles para niños de 0 a 3 años, ya que según la secretaria esta etapa es “puramente asistencial”. Sin embargo, los efectos colaterales de no poder acceder a puestos en guarderías públicas obligará a gran cantidad de madres y padres a elegir entre reincorporarse a su puesto de trabajo o pagar una guardería privada. Y aunque la partida para becas generales no ha disminuido, la de ayudas de libros de texto pierde 71 millones (el 76%) hasta quedarse en 27 millones. Otros 26 millones (de 62,8 a 36,8) pierde la partida que completa las becas Erasmus. Y 24,5millones bajan las becas de idiomas en verano. En otros 30 millones se reduce la partida para hacer gratuitas o más baratas las matrículas universitarias a los becarios y las familias numerosas de tres hijos y se elimina 14,6 millones para pagarle esas matrículas a los desempleados y desempleadas. La partida para formación permanente del profesorado cae un 91%. El recorte en enseñanza universitaria pasa de 399 a 149 (-62%). Además desaparece el programa Campus de Excelencia Internacional, que financiaba proyectos de las universidades enfocados a alcanzar prestigio internacional y a forjar alianzas entre campus con ese fin. Desaparece también el programa Escuela 2.0, que dotaba de ordenadores portátiles a los / as alumnos / as de 5º y 6º de Primaria.

Sin embargo, en un alarde de incoherencia, crece la partida destinada a educación compensatoria un 142%, con proyectos como el plan PROA destinados a ayudar a los / as alumnos / as con dificultades de aprendizaje en clases en horario de tarde. Uno de los recortes más significativos se produce en las transferencias a las comunidades autónomas, que hasta ahora tenían los fondos cedidos por el Ministerio como un verdadero puntal de apoyo a las políticas educativas. Ahora, en un alarde de centralización, los 590 millones destinados el año pasado por el Gobierno central a proyectos de cooperación territorial se quedan en 187 millones, y pasan de 17 a 7. Se elimina casi todo el dinero que se daba a las comunidades autónomas para poner en marcha la recién creada plataforma de FP a distancia que pretendía, entre otras cosas,facilitar también la reincorporación al sistema de personas que se pusieron a trabajar con poca formación.
Pocos días después de la presentación de los Presupuestos Generales y dentro del programa de racionalización del gasto público se comunicaba un nuevo recorte en educación por un total del tres mil millones de euros. Este nuevo tijeretazo, aprobado por el consejo de ministros el 20 de abril deteriora aún más si cabe la maltrecha situación del sector educativo. De forma somera, detallamos algunas de la modificaciones principales: aumento de la ratio un 20%, incremento de la jornada lectiva (con un mínimo de 25 horas en infantil y primaria y máximo de 20 en ESO y Bachillerato), prohibición de cubrir las bajas de hasta 10 días con recursos personales del propio centro, derogación parcial de la obligación de ofertar al menos dos modalidades de bachillerato.
Estas medidas se van a traducir en una masificación de las aulas, con docentes con menos tiempo disponible para realizar un trabajo personalizado y viéndose obligados a volver al modelo de “clases magistrales”, alumnos / as con menos posibilidad de recibir apoyo escolar en horario lectivo, ya que esas sesiones que se contemplaban como de refuerzo en el horario desaparecen, ausencia de contrataciones de interinos, aumentando la precariedad e inestabilidad de este colectivo, ya denostado por el establecimiento de la tasa de reposición en el 10% y la congelación de la oferta de empleo público.

En el ámbito universitario, la medida más sangrante es el aumento de las tasas por matriculación. Sin embargo, se da un margen para que cada comunidad autónoma decida los precios. Para un crédito en 1ª matrícula, el margen oscila entre el 15 y el 25%, incrementando en progresión geométrica hasta la 4ª matrícula, en la que el / la alumno / a se verá obligado a abonar entre el 90 y el 100% del precio del crédito. Sin embargo, la partida presupuestaria para las becas de carácter general no experimentan cambios respecto al ejercicio anterior. ¿Cómo se sufragarán entonces las diferencias de capital con el nuevo importe de las tasas?: se harán cargo las diferentes Comunidades Autónomas. Si consideramos ahora que las comunidades están obligadas por ley a cumplir con los objetivos de reducción de déficit a riesgo de ser intervenidas, es fácil adivinar que pocas se opondrán a la subida en el pago de las matrículas universitarias, estableciendo una nueva barrera a la hora de acceder a estudios superiores, y marcando una vez más el carácter elitista y segregacionista de estos recortes, dando por sentado que a partir de ahora la solvencia económica de las familias determinará el futuro académicos de sus hijos / as.

Por una educación pública, laica, científica y racional

En esta situación de precarización absoluta de la escuela pública, y en espera de la (nueva) reforma educativa, existen aún alternativas de resistencia. Una de las reclamaciones básicas es la exigencia de sacar de las escuelas las confesiones privadas y dejar de mantener con dinero del erario público a sus adoctrinadores. En este sentido, la CNT desarrolla desde la anterior legislatura del PP la campaña “Religión, ¡fuera de la escuela!”, en un intento por concienciar a la sociedad de la necesidad de no obstruir el desarrollo de la mente infantil y de evitar el carácter de marcado sometimiento que propugna la iglesia.

Pero la gran solución pasa por la creación de escuelas libertarias o racionalistas. En este sentido, existe ya una red de centros de este tipo, desde la escuela Paideia en Extremadura, O Pelouro en Galiza, El Roure en Catalunya, la Asociación Pequeña Rebeldía en Murcia, etc, ejemplos de que la posibilidad de otro tipo de enseñanza al margen de la impuesta por el estado es real.
Sin embargo, existen espacios de acción y resistencia dentro del sistema educativo. Poco a poco, los y las docentes han ido siendo desposeídos del objeto de su trabajo, el claustro ha perdido capacidad decisoria en favor de las administraciones educativas, los legisladores educativos, burócratas sin el menor conocimiento de la realidad en las escuelas, diseñan legislatura tras legislatura decretos y órdenes que se adecuen a la ideología del partido de turno, mientras los / as docentes se limitan a reproducir los códigos impuestos desde las jerarquías educativas sin la menor resistencia, aparentemente. Eso sí, imbuídos / as de la cualidad de “autoridad” que les protege legalmente ante el incesante incremento de agresiones en las aulas.

Es necesario retomar el control, y virar hacia estrategias que culminen en la autogestión de los centros públicos. El currículum impuesto no puede ser una prioridad mientras que sigan existiendo carencias materiales y personales. Desde la creación de huertos escolares cuya explotación se destine a un fondo común para mantenimiento del centro, acuerdos con pequeños comercios locales para la distribución de alimentos para el desayuno con el mismo fin, instauración del asamblearismo en las aulas y con las familias, convirtiendo el centro en una realidad cercana para todos / as, pasando por la exigencia a las autoridades educativas de consultar a los / as docentes a la hora de diseñar la legislación y hacerla flexible a cada situación, etc. Y a un nivel sindical, creación de secciones sindicales dentro de los centros y en las administraciones educativas que planteen conflictividad y dificulten la impunidad con la que hasta ahora han manejado las escuelas, haciendo frente al modelo sindical unitario, al margen de subvenciones y liberados.

«El objeto de nuestra enseñanza es que el cerebro del individuo llegue a ser el instrumento de su voluntad.»
F. Ferrer i Guardia

Sanidad

Hace ya décadas que la sanidad es uno de los principales caballos de batalla del neoliberalismo, que ve en este servicio público uno de sus mayores oportunidades de negocio -junto al de las pensiones-y al que por tanto, no cesa de atacar con todos los medios a su alcance. Los recortes que vemos hoy en la sanidad pública a todos los niveles responden a esa misma consigna, aunque eso sí, “justificados” por la crisis económica que “obliga” a reducir las dotaciones presupuestarias en este capítulo.

Desde el punto de vista de CNT, la sanidad representa uno de los principales bienes sociales, que no puede hurtarse, regatearse o venderse a ninguna persona sea cual sea su situación social o económica y que tampoco puede estar al servicio de intereses privados de ningún tipo, ni ser convertida en negocio, ni depender de los intereses de la industria tecnológica ni farmacéutica, como actualmente está ocurriendo. Exponemos a continuación algunos de los principios fundamentales que a nuestro juicio deberían regir la sanidad y la salud públicas.

1. Reafirmación del carácter universal de la sanidad

El carácter universal e igualitario del acceso a los servicios sanitarios debe ser reafirmado más que nunca en estos momentos de crisis económica. Porque, a pesar de que así lo establezcan las leyes, si se comienza a reducir prestaciones, abierta o soterradamente, y a permitir el acceso a la sanidad según el nivel de renta, como está haciendo y pretende seguir haciendo el gobierno, lo que se está haciendo es limitar los principios de universalidad e igualdad en el acceso a la sanidad que amparan a este derecho fundamental.
No podemos tolerar que mientras el dinero de todos se está tirando, entre otras cosas, en gastos militares, mantenimiento de burocracias estériles y entes políticos de toda índole, los ciudadanos con menos posibilidades económicas -y que por tanto tienen vedado el acceso a la sanidad privada- se vean obligados a prescindir de la asistencia sanitaria por carecer de recursos, algo que ocurrirá necesariamente si se pone precio a esa asistencia.
Del mismo modo, es inaceptable cualquier limitación del acceso a la sanidad pública a personas pertenecientes a ciertos colectivos, como son los inmigrantes (sea cual su situación legal) o las personas jubiladas, a los que se acusa de “no aportar” al sostenimiento del sistema sanitario y a los que se ve como una carga para el mismo. La sanidad se sufraga a través de los impuestos indirectos, es decir, aquellos que gravan el consumo, por lo que cualquier persona que habite en cualquier territorio del estado está contribuyendo a la financiación de la sanidad en cada compra que realice. Y por tanto, tiene el mismo derecho que cualquier otra a acceder en las mismas condiciones a las mismas prestaciones.

2. Rechazo a la mercantilización de la sanidad y a las privatizaciones

En tanto que los servicios sanitarios no puedan ser autogestionados por sus trabajadores, su financiación debe proveerse con fondos públicos y los trabajadores que los prestan deben ser empleados públicos.
Desde la CNT rechazamos la intrusión de la empresa privada en la sanidad pública, una práctica fomentada por todos los gobiernos, sean del color que sean. En primer lugar porque se mercantiliza su prestación y se hace depender de una relación coste-beneficio inaceptable en un servicio público; y en segundo lugar porque en absoluto es cierto que esas privatizaciones generen ningún ahorro a la administración ni tampoco mejoras en la gestión del servicio, ni en la calidad de los mismos, sino que son fuente de trabajo precario y de corrupción frecuente, como venimos diciendo desde hace ya muchos años.
Estas privatizaciones de servicios públicos, que pueden ir desde la construcción de hospitales a gestión de ambulatorios, permiten además al estado reducir la cifra oficial de déficit -que no el gasto total que suponen- de forma artificial, ya que en determinadas condiciones, la deuda de la administración con estas empresas privadas no se computa como déficit.
La irrupción de capital privado no se realiza en pos de un mayor bienestar social, sino para la obtención de un beneficio que se extrae de los mayores costes que supone para las administraciones y de un empeoramiento de las condiciones en que se presta, a pesar de la inmensa propaganda en sentido contrario con que nos bombardean tanto el estado como las empresas.

3. Rechazo a los recortes de servicios y prestaciones

En la situación actual, en que cada vez más personas ven reducidos o suprimidos sus recursos por el paro y la bajada de salarios, es inaceptable que se recorten las prestaciones de la sanidad pública. España es uno de los países de la Unión Europea que menos fondos destina a gastos sociales (sólo por delante de Grecia, Irlanda, Portugal, Rep. Checa, Polonia, Eslovaquia y Hungría). Diversos estudios demuestran que una reducción de la cantidad destinada a servicios sociosanitarios, traerá al pais que la ponga en marcha aumentos en su tasa de mortalidad, en problemas relacionados con la dependencia a drogas legales y no legales, así como de la prevalencia enfermedades infecciosas o de los suicidios.
Este menor gasto público sanitario redunda, además, en que se ofrecen menos servicios que en los países que destinan más fondos a la protección de la salud. Por tanto, en España, los ciudadanos tenemos que gastar más dinero de nuestro bolsillo a pagar aquellas prestaciones que no son facilitadas por el sistema público, algo curiosamente silenciado por los medios de comunicación.

4. Rechazo a cualquier reducción de personal sanitario

Desde la CNT también nos oponemos frontalmente a otra de las vías de recorte que el gobierno pretende practicar: la reducción del personal sanitario. De hecho, ya lo está haciendo a través de la congelación de las tasas de reposición de vacantes, lo que hará en un futuro muy próximo la prestación del servicio se efectúe en condiciones cada vez peores, de mayor presión para los trabajadores y por tanto con menores garantías para los usuarios.

5. Rechazo al repago (conocido como copago) y al aumento del coste de los medicamentos

Desde CNT nos posicionamos en contra de re-pago de los medicamentos por parte de las personas jubiladas y del aumento de su precio para las personas en activo, porque como hemos dicho, estas personas ya están pagando los servicios sanitarios. Con esta medida, este segundo pago se hace recaer sobre aquellos que utilizan directamente el servicio, por lo que habrá quienes vean limitadas sus posibilidades de acceder a medicamentos necesarios. Si el 60% del gasto total en medicamentos lo consumen los mayores de 65 años, es fácil suponer quien va a sufragar esta medida.
Además, el complicado sistema que es necesario poner en marcha para cobrar este recargo, hace dudar de que su alcance vaya a tener una relevancia en forma de ingresos netos, más allá de aumentar la burocracia y resultar vistoso de cara a la galería.
Finalmente, la falacia sostenida por el gobierno y los medios de que esta medida va dirigida contra el abuso de medicamentos es insostenible, ya que son los médicos, y no los pacientes, quiénes deciden que tratamiento deben recibir éstos y qué deben prescribirles. No cabe por tanto, acusar a los usuarios de abuso, sino en último extremo, en enjuiciar un sistema sanitario basado en la prescripción de fármacos.

6. Una sanidad gestionada por la sociedad: por sus trabajadores y usuarios, no por gestores políticos

En la CNT creemos que sólo a través de la autogestión de los servicios públicos por parte de los trabajadores que los desempeñan se puede lograr una prestación racional de los mismos, alejada de los intereses políticos de turno y que responda verdaderamente a los intereses de sus usuarios. La increible estructura burocrática instalada en los servicios sanitarios solo sirve para encarecerlos, desorganizarlos y hacerlos depender de intereses ajenos al propio servicio público.
Para conseguir esa autogestión, los trabajadores sanitarios organizados en sindicatos, deben tomar conciencia de sus capacidades y asumir las responsabilidades de gestión de forma asamblearia y antijerárquica, contando para ello con la participación de la sociedad en la estructura de toma de decisiones. Optimización de los recursos, participación, coordinación, distribución y métodos de trabajo compartidos y asumidos por quienes los realizan y no ordenados desde las direcciones políticas.
Este es sin duda un horizonte complejo y que necesita de la preparación y puesta en común de las ideas y perspectivas de todos los trabajadores sanitarios, pero que es necesario abordar cuanto antes desde la práctica sindical diaria y la unión de los trabajadores.

7. Una sanidad independiente de los intereses privados

La diferenciación entre la sanidad pública y la privada debe ser clara y meridiana si queremos proteger el sistema público de los ataques a los que constantemente se ve sometido. Esta independencia frente al sector privado debe concretarse en tres vías: Una, en cuanto a inversión y gestión, como ya se ha dicho; dos, en cuanto a la industria tecnológica y farmacéutica, cuyos productos y recursos deben ser utilizados solo bajo el criterio de la necesidad y no de la conveniencia de la industria; y tres, en cuanto a los profesionales, que deben elegir si prestan sus servicios en el sector público o en el privado pero no en ambos al mismo tiempo.

8. Por una visión holística de la salud frente al medicamento como única solución

Desde CNT creemos que la sanidad debe estar al servicio de un concepto integral de salud pública, que no se base en realizar tratamientos paliativos de una determinada situación de enfermedad, sino en enjuiciar y tratar de forma preventiva todos aquellos factores capaces de influir en la salud de la persona. El tratamiento sanitario no puede reducirse a la administración de medicamentos -en muchas ocasiones innecesarios-, sino que debe contemplar la forma de vida en su conjunto, los hábitos alimenticios, las condiciones de trabajo, medioambientales y sociales o biológicos, todo ello desde un punto de vista científico y profesional, no político ni propagandístico.
En este sentido es fundamental priorizar y financiar adecuadamente la atención primaria frente a costosos y complicados sistemas de diágnostico y tratamientos, de dudoso beneficio para los pacientes, pero de claro interés para la industria que los proporciona. Del mismo modo, la inversiones en servicios sociosanitarios es primordial para conseguir evitar que las condiciones económicas y sociales determinen la salud de las personas con menos recursos.

En este sentido, también es necesario un cambio en nuestra forma de vida y en nuestra dependencia de los fármacos. Para ello es prioritario reconectar a las personas con la autogestión de su salud, con la toma de decisiones consciente sobre sus hábitos y también sobre sus formas de curación, al mismo tiempo que fomentar la toma de conciencia de los profesionales sanitarios sobre estos aspectos.

9. Una sanidad que atienda a las necesidades reales en vez de crear necesidades falsas

Creemos que los servicios sanitarios, como hemos dicho, deben primar la prevención y la atención sociosanitaria desde una perspectiva holística de la salud. En este sentido, debe romperse la tendencia seguida en las últimas décadas por la que se convierten en patologías lo que son sino procesos naturales derivados del paso del tiempo o del carácter de las personas, un proceso impulsado y dirigido por la industria farmacéutica y materializado por los médicos. A través de supuestos estudios y análisis se justifican “científicamente” auténticos absurdos, que consiguen eso sí, una población cada vez más dominada por el miedo y más dependiente de un sistema sanitario que se limita a trasladar las consignas dadas por el sector privado.

Reivindicamos por tanto, la independencia de la sanidad pública frente a los espurios intereses corporativos que la acosan. Solo gracias a esta independencia se podrán planificar un mejor aprovechamiento de los recursos centrado en las necesidades de las personas y no de las empresas o de las élites con poder económico; que potencie una atención profesional y de calidad en lugar de ser campo de batalla de los intereses políticos del momento.

Paro / Exclusión

Cuando hablamos de paro y exclusión, ¿de qué hablamos?
En el caso del paro o desempleo, hablamos de la falta de recursos propios por parte del individuo para tener los mínimos vitales de subsistencia.
En el caso de la exclusión, sería la falta de los recursos y mecanismos de socialización habituales en la Sociedad y/o de las habilidades sociales para llevar una vida plena 1.

El desempleo y la exclusión, ambos, son los síntomas más evidentes de la falta de control de los trabajadores sobre los medios de producción y consumo. No solamente hay una exclusión laboral que afecta a todos los sectores de la población de forma muy diversa, según las circunstancias de la persona, sino que además la exclusión social se manifiesta en la marginación de las formas de socialización habituales.
El desempleo se manifiesta, curiosamente, como mucho más acentuado, y como síntoma polarizado en ciertas zonas industriales, en las que el empleo local no tiene salida en las zonas industriales más cercanas, sino el empleo como remanente de una mano de obra, quedando una parte sin salida para la integración laboral, como mecanismo estructural de disuasión de la disidencia sindicalista. Es cierto que aquellas áreas del Estado que no son ciertamente industriales en las infraestructuras, tienen mayores índices de paro, como Canarias y Andalucía; pero incluso en zonas abiertamente industriales, como la zona minera, y la Margen Izquierda en Vizcaya, los anillos de mayor nivel de paro, coinciden con las zonas de mayor industrialización 2.

Ciertas formas de paro y exclusión se han cronificado con el tiempo y ahora, con la crisis y la recesión, se agravarán hasta límites insostenibles. En el caso concreto de las Asambleas de parados de Bizkaia, habían logrado superar la marginación social durante unos años e incidir de forma continuada en el mercado laboral que conlleva el desempleo, trabajando, sobre todo, de manera rotativa en el sector Construcción, Limpieza y Grandes Superficies, siendo unos entes de utilidad pública para las personas desempleadas, dando estabilidad laboral y económica, mejorando de forma relativa las condiciones de los contratos con respecto a las Empresas de Trabajo Temporal. Los puestos de trabajo se reparten entre sus miembros por asistencias y participación, sin enchufismo ni discriminación, siendo su existencia un apoyo psico-social ante la misma problemática social, económica y laboral: eventualidad, precariedad y marginación. Pero están formando parte de una lucha por la supresión de las horas extraordinarias, aunque haya habido algunas asambleas que no lo hayan asumido, y, por otra parte, sufriendo la represión de todo tipo de gobiernos y cuerpos policiales. De destacar la baja siniestralidad laboral de la AAPP; asimismo su participación en la formación de prevención de Riesgos Laborales. Pero el hundimiento de la economía tradicional les somete a nuevos retos, que laminan toda su trayectoria anterior. Reinventarse y someterse a nuevos proyectos, es su camino ineludible para evitar la indigencia.

El paro y la exclusión se cronifican en torno a la mujer, por la sobrecarga y la infravaloración del trabajo no remunerado y no reconocido tanto a nivel social, como a nivel institucional. Cuando hablamos de trabajo, sea remunerado o no, hay que hablar de las situaciones específicas (de género) de paro, precariedad y pobreza que viven las mujeres, pero existen otros mundos del trabajo y la producción “invisibles”: el trabajo doméstico, el «voluntariado», la economía sumergida… Además, el trabajo doméstico de la mujer hace de colchón para que no existan tensiones en el mercado laboral. De esta manera, también las instituciones públicas ahorran en servicios e infraestructuras sociales (guarderías públicas, comedores infantiles, residencias para la tercera edad…).

Los gastos sociales de los presupuestos públicos, se benefician del mayor trabajo de la mujer. De cada diez mujeres, siete son consideradas «inactivas» porque la Encuesta de Población Activa (EPA) no las contabiliza al no estar apuntadas en las listas del INEM: De las tres restantes, «activas» por estar reflejadas en el mercado laboral, demandantes de empleo, una se encuentra en el paro y dos tienen trabajo. Eso produce la descalificación social e institucional del trabajo doméstico, se legitima la idea de «mujer en casa» igual a «mujer no productiva»; siendo, curiosamente, el trabajo que realiza la mujer dentro del hogar, básico para la supervivencia en el desarrollo humano, la calidad de vida y la calidad de la fuerza de trabajo. Los obstáculos en el mundo laboral, la doble jornada laboral (trabajando preferentemente en sectores como servicios o educación), la discriminación salarial, el paro femenino dobla al masculino, la precariedad laboral (con más contratos indefinidos en el caso de los hombres, que en el de las mujeres), son las formas de exclusión feminizada. Y encima, se vende el contrato a tiempo parcial como una solución para las mujeres, cuando es una forma más de dependencia 3.

En el caso de los jóvenes menores de 25 años, hay una ausencia total de mecanismo de integración laboral desde los ámbitos de estudio, a nivel de la enseñanza profesional y universitaria, y no hay etapas de transición entre ese ámbito educativo y el ámbito laboral. El desempleo enorme de la juventud, responde sin dudar, a los efectos alienados del desarrollo de la economía de mercado. La separación artificiosa y artificial entre esos dos ámbitos, propicia que los jóvenes no tengan la adaptación suficiente al entorno laboral, para ser aceptados por éste. El entorno laboral se presenta como un espacio agresivo e injusto, en el que se aprecian más las influencias personales, que la preparación profesional.

Podríamos hablar de muchas situaciones de exclusión para argumentar, pero creemos que es suficiente plantearnos estas dos cuestiones:
¿De verdad buscamos el pleno empleo y la inclusión dentro de esta sociedad?
¿De verdad consideramos que este Sistema tiene solución alguna?
La respuesta tiene que ser no. Y en el caso de la exclusión, llegar a la conclusión de que estar al margen de la sociedad, en ciertos aspectos, hay que presentarlo como un hecho positivo y reivindicarlo como algo digno, en contraposición de los valores del Sistema.
La única manera de abordar esta materia de una forma real es, por una parte, describir cuales son los objetivos de los recortes en el desempleo y la exclusión social:

  1. Destruir el sentido de lo social y comunitario hasta reducirnos a esclavos individualistas indefensos.
  2. Rentabilizar la situación a favor de organismos privados de asistencia social.
  3. Utilizar el paro y la exclusión como herramienta de disuasión de la disidencia.

En el terreno de la lucha social se abren dos vías, independientes y complementarias:

  1. Por una parte, una presión constante a las instituciones de la administración del Estado para que asuman gastos e inversiones que mejoren la vida de las personas; en lucha constante para que asuman los responsabilidades que les corresponden, hasta que desaparezcan.
  2. La construcción de una sociedad en paralelo sobre cuestiones de Economía Alternativa, cooperativas Integrales, colectividades, grupos de consumo, huertos comunitarios, bancos de tiempo, etc. Alternativas viables y prácticas en esta sociedad.

Reivindicamos otro tipo de Sociedad, con otros valores, con otra forma de valorar a las personas y al entorno, con otros mensajes, en el que los valores personales y naturales predominen sobre la Economía de Mercado y el Sistema Tecnoindustrial.

Recuperar espacios comunitarios, el sentido de lo colectivo es parte fundamental de esta labor 4,como un hecho positivo y como un bien social, no necesariamente vinculado, de forma única, a un beneficio personal.
Plantear un Sistema Social que se adapte a las personas y no como el actual, en el que las personas tienen que adaptarse a un Sistema Social injusto y desequilibrado.
Nuestra lucha tendrá que crear espacios de Sociedad Libre y Justa.

Vivienda

El crack del sector inmobiliario

Miles y miles de viviendas a medio construir forman parte del paisaje de la crisis capitalista en el Estado español. Promociones inacabadas y cientos de miles de casas vacías, que aún hoy no pueden ser habitadas por nadie, son el producto de una quiebra económica que en gran medida tiene que ver con el pinchazo de la burbuja inmobiliaria. A nadie se le escapa el hecho de que durante la última década el precio de la vivienda se haya disparado de una manera exponencial. Una subida que, entre otros factores, tiene que ver con las facilidades concedidas por los bancos a la hora de conceder créditos, la recalificación de suelos y, sobre todo, la especulación. En ese sentido, y como en tantas otras ocasiones, el derecho a la vivienda que supuestamente garantiza el artículo 47 de la Constitución queda en papel mojado debido a que los poderes públicos, el Estado en suma, permite que se pueda hacer negocio con un bien de primera necesidad como es la vivienda. Así, durante demasiados años empresas constructoras y de servicios inmobiliarios han hecho el agosto debido a la complicidad e inoperatividad de los partidos políticos en el poder, que han puesto por encima de los intereses de los ciudadanos el interés de las mafias empresariales dedicadas al negocio del suelo y la vivienda.

Las consecuencias del crack del sector de la construcción, del que la economía española es todavía hoy excesivamente dependiente, no se hicieron esperar: aumento del paro, rápido hundimiento de las industrias auxiliares, merma de los ingresos de los ayuntamientos, etc. Pero, más allá de lo anterior, el panorama real que en relación a la vivienda vislumbran las familias trabajadoras del Estado español es francamente desolador. Por un lado, los niveles de endeudamiento de las familias han subido de manera inaudita durante los últimos años. Por otro lado, y junto a las altas tasas de paro juvenil, el desorbitado precio de la vivienda y su desproporción con respecto a los salarios, ha posibilitado que España tenga la segunda mayor tasa de Europa de menores de 35 años que todavía viven en el domicilio familiar. Por si fuera poco, el precio medio de los alquileres es de los mayores de Europa en relación al nivel de ingresos de los ciudadanos. Demostrativo de lo anterior es que mientras la subida media anual del precio del alquiler en Europa ronda el 1,5%, en España viene oscilando en torno al 4% en los últimos diez años. Para finalizar, tampoco podemos pasar por alto la terrible huella ecológica ocasionada por el boom de la construcción en las últimas décadas. Baste un ejemplo: la superficie urbanizada entre los años 1987 y 2006 se incrementó en 1 millón de hectáreas aproximadamente. Se entiende así que en 2010, y según el Observatorio de la Sostenibilidad en España, el proceso de urbanización incontrolado se haya considerado la mayor amenaza para la biodiversidad en el país.

Pero si al endeudamiento y los precios desorbitados les sumamos la inestabilidad laboral, la precariedad, y, sobre todo, el paro, el resultado se convierte en dramático. En 2011 el número de procedimientos de desahucios ascendió a la friolera cifra de 58.241 casos. Estamos viendo como cientos de familias están perdiendo sus casas porque son incapaces de pagar las hipotecas astronómicas que les tienen asfixiados. Día tras día comprobamos como cada vez son más los trabajadores y trabajadoras que ven como los bancos se quedan con sus casas, su esperanza y sus proyectos de vida, teniendo que sufrir la humillación de, una vez perdido todo, tener que seguir haciendo frente a la deuda contraída con el banco.

Luchas reales, alternativas necesarias

Sin duda alguna, y como decíamos antes, la virulencia de la crisis económica, que ha dejado sin empleo a millones de personas y ha contraído notablemente los niveles de ingresos de muchas familias obreras, ha tambaleado los resortes existenciales de miles y miles de trabajadores y trabajadoras en el Estado español. En ese sentido, el drama de los desahucios se ha extendido por nuestras ciudades y barrios, pasando a formar parte de las problemáticas cuya resolución se antoja más urgente para los movimientos sociales. Así, desde distintos frentes, pero sobre todo desde las asambleas continuadoras del movimiento 15M, se están desarrollando distintas estrategias que bajo el paraguas de la organización, el apoyo mutuo y la autodefensa legal, están consiguiendo lo que hace unos meses quizá se nos antojaría imposible: parar cientos de desahucios y deslegitimar a los bancos.
En línea con lo anterior, el trabajo político, desde la base, de la organización popular y los sectores combativos del movimiento obrero en el Estado español, están posibilitando, ya en primera instancia, la imposición en las agendas de los partidos políticos de la dación en pago, una medida de carácter parcial que, por lo menos, permitiría a cientos de familias saldar sus deudas con los bancos tras la entrega de sus viviendas.

Por otro lado, la paulatina articulación y consolidación de las asambleas y organizaciones populares que están tratando específicamente los problemas relacionados con el derecho a la vivienda, puede posibilitar, aun a medio tiempo y siempre con la integración de sus luchas en el campo de la confrontación anticapitalista, que otras alternativas a la situación actual se vayan imponiendo. En ese sentido, la estrategia de intervención política de las organizaciones populares y asambleas específicas debe tender a profundizar la línea actual: señalar a los culpables, deslegitimarlos y plantear alternativas.
Siguiendo con lo anterior, pueden ser varias las alternativas a poner en juego de cara a ofrecer una solución real al problema de la vivienda en el Estado español. Por un lado, la creación de un parque de vivienda pública en alquiler social. Por otro lado, el fomento de las alternativas cooperativas, más concretamente, el fomento de las cooperativas de cesión de uso. En otra línea, y sobre todo de cara a generar espacios colectivos de uso común, sigue siendo interesante plantear la ocupación, ya no solo en el marco de la gran ciudad, sino en ciudades pequeñas o ámbitos rurales amenazados por la despoblación.

Para finalizar, desde el movimiento libertario en su conjunto y desde la CNT en particular, tenemos que trabajar para echar abajo las bases ideológicas sobre las cuales se levanta el sistema que regula el acceso a la vivienda en la sociedad capitalista. En ese sentido, debemos evidenciar la contradicción existente entre el valor real de una vivienda ―el que tiene para que cualquier persona pueda tener una vida digna― y el valor que se le asigna en el mercado capitalista. Por otro lado, como trabajadores y trabajadoras, debemos organizarnos para, en primer lugar, levantar alternativas económicas y sociales que posibiliten generar un sistema alternativo al actual ―también en lo referente al campo que nos ocupa―, y, en segundo lugar, fortalecer las luchas populares tendentes a la reapropiación colectiva del derecho a la vivienda; luchas en las que, no lo olvidemos, la CNT también fue pionera, y cuya demostración más práctica fue la organización, por ejemplo, de los Sindicatos de Inquilinos.

Migrantes

Breve análisis de la situación actual

El Estado español era hasta el año 2007, justo antes de que la crisis del capitalismo se evidenciase con mayor virulencia, uno de los países de la Unión Europea con una de las mayores tasas de recepción de inmigrantes. Esa situación, cinco años después ha cambiado radicalmente. Sin duda alguna, ha sido la crisis la que ha motivado este descenso de la población inmigrante (un 0,7%), que actualmente se sitúa en un 12% de la población total.
No obstante, hoy en día las trabajadoras y trabajadores inmigrantes siguen siendo fundamentales en la estructura productiva del estado, desempeñando algunos de los trabajos más desregularizados y precarizados del mercado laboral. En ese sentido, en 2012 sigue habiendo un un alto porcentaje de trabajadoras inmigrantes en el servicio doméstico y la economía de los cuidados. Por otro lado, y a pesar de la vuelta al sector primario de un gran porcentaje de trabajadores nativos expulsados de los sectores secundario y terciario en los últimos años, sigue habiendo un amplio colectivo de trabajadores y trabajadoras inmigrantes empleados como jornaleros en fechas puntuales asociadas a las grandes campañas de recolección agrícola (aceituna, naranja, fresa o espárrago), lo que se traduce en ocasiones en situaciones de tensión social de racismo virulento.

Por otro lado, la situación económica y política del estado español está favoreciendo la descomposición de las economías familiares de la población más desprotegida, lo que se está traduciendo en una mayor precarización de las condiciones de vida de muchos trabajadores inmigrantes, que, ya sin redes de apoyo que les puedan prestar soporte, se ven abocados a desempeñar trabajos típicos de la economía informal. Por otro lado, es constatable el alto porcentaje de familias inmigrantes amenazadas por los desahucios, lo que en muchas ocasiones viene a incrementar el alto grado de vulnerabilidad que padece la población inmigrante en el estado español.
No obstante, el evidente deterioro de las condiciones de vida de los trabajadores y trabajadoras llegados de otros países en los últimos años, no hace sino profundizar las ya de por sí lamentables diferencias que de manera estructural existen entre trabajadores nativos y foráneros.

Represión, racismo y exclusión social.

Todo lo anterior, sumado a la amplificación de los discursos xenófobos y racistas en toda Europa, allanan el terreno a los partidos políticos conniventes con los mercados de cara al establecimiento de políticas tendentes a, por un lado, endurecer las leyes de extranjería, y, por otro, acosar, intimidar y perseguir policialmente a aquellas trabajadoras y trabajadores inmigrantes en situación más vulnerable y en claro riesgo de exclusión social. En ese sentido, la fragante persecución que sufren muchos inmigrantes se evidencia en el aumento de redadas policiales de carácter racista y en la criminalización de la sociedad obrera más allá de credos y razas. Como ejemplos de lo anterior, hemos de destacar el proceso de acoso y derribo al fotógrafo Eduardo León o el juicio contra cuatro brigadistas de las Brigadas Vecinales de Observación de Derechos Humanos.
Mención aparte merecen los Centros de Internamiento para Extranjeros. En el estado español hasta la misma ONU ha criticado la situación de los mismos. Verdaderos campos de concentración para trabajadores y trabajadoras pobres, hoy en día los CIE´s suponen una verdadera aberración institucional en un país que se presupone democrático. Numerosos informes avalan esta afirmación. Actualmente, a la inseguridad legal que han de padecer muchos de los que podemos considerar reclusos, se le ha de sumar un notable empeoramiento de sus condiciones de vida ligado a las dificultades para acceder a una atención médica digna, el hacinamiento o la incomunicación.

Nativa o extranjera, la misma clase obrera: panorama de luchas.

Todo lo anterior, qué duda clave, constata una realidad que con el paso del tiempo se hace cada vez más incontestable: la población inmigrante padece las mayores cotas de explotación, exclusión y represión en el estado español. Evidentemente, es la correlación de fuerzas actual entre las clases populares y las oligarquías capitalistas la que posibilita dicha situación, pero también es cierto que en los últimos años ―y a la sombra del progresivo rearme moral y organizativo de los de abajo― están proliferando muchas iniciativas tendentes a luchar contra esta situación dada.
Dos podrían ser los ejemplos más preclaros de esta lucha a favor de los derechos de las personas migrantes. La primera de ellas podría estar representada por el movimiento en favor del cierre de los C.I.E (Centros de Internamiento para Extranjeros). Son muchas las ciudades en las que están proliferando colectivos, grupos y asambleas contra estos campos de concentración modernos. Por otro lado, y como segundo ejemplo del que hablábamos anteriormente, contaríamos con todo el movimiento en favor de los derechos sociales y cívicos de la población migrante. Así, poco a poco en el estado español se está consolidando una incipiente red de colectivos que luchan contra las redadas policiales racistas y en favor de la ciudadanía plena de las personas extranjeras.

Por otro lado, no podemos pasar por alto la labor que algunas asambleas, asociaciones o colectivos de carácter vecinal están desarrollando en algunos barrios especialmente multiculturales de nuestro entorno. Junto a esto, no es nada despreciable el trabajo que en el ámbito del antirracismo y el trabajo contra la xenofobia de coordinadoras y plataformas antifascistas. Finalmente, y a pesar del aumento del racismo sosterrado a causa de los cambios originados por la crisis económica, podemos encontrar casos en donde algunas luchas concretas en pro de la clase trabajadora inmigrante se van fortaleciendo año tras año, siendo un ejemplo de lo anterior el proceso de movilización en favor de los derechos de los jornaleros llegados a Jaén para la campaña de la aceituna.

Todo lo anterior pone de manifiesto que, si bien es cierto que la crisis del capitalismo está repercutiendo en el empeoramiento de las condiciones de vida de la población migrante, en muchos puntos de la geografía del estado español se está plantando cara a dicho proceso desde distintos frentes. No cabe duda de que la CNT, como organización obrera de carácter internacionalista, debe prestar soporte a estas luchas desde el presupuesto de la unidad de clase más allá de fronteras y razas. La tarea nos exige estar a la altura de las circunstancias y, en ese sentido, nuestra acción sindical ha de tender a diluir las diferencias entre trabajadoras y trabajadores, deslegitimando los discursos racistas o fascistas desde la base, luchando contra la represión y generando estructuras de participación y movilización en favor de la libre circulación de las personas, la plena ciudadanía de la población migrante, su derecho al trabajo y a la reagrupación familiar.

Secretaría Acción Social CNT
Grupo de Trabajo Movimientos Sociales


1. Aquí podemos incluir los dos conceptos que se valorarán posteriormente. Por una parte, el concepto de vida plena presentada por la Sociedad del Espectáculo, como una Producción y Consumo infinitamente acelerados, o la visión del anarcosindicalismo, en el que estos dos elementos tendrían una relación equilibrada entre sí y el tercer elemento, el Entorno Natural o M

2. A día de hoy, en la Margen Izquierda el paro alcanza el 21% y la tasa en Sestao, municipio emblemático en lo industrial, 23% o en el municipio de Muzkiz, con la refinería de Petronor, la mayor empresa de Vizcaya, en su término municipal, con una tasa de desempleo del 18%.

3. Conceptos resumidos del enlace: http://www.nodo50.org/berri_otxoak/mujerypobreza.htm

4. En este sentido, recuperar los modelos tradicionales de la vida en las áreas agrarias y rurales, apostando por formulas organizativas comunitarias, es un primer paso para liberar espacios.

CNT – AIT

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