El estado español en el punto de mira de los buitres de los negocios (entrevista al ICEA)

Desde el año pasado hemos visto cómo se agudizaban los recortes sociales y cómo se sigue presionando desde el poder financiero para llevar a cabo reformas que «salven a España de la bancarrota y relancen la economía».

Tanto el gobierno como la derecha nos insisten en que toda Europa vive un proceso de ajustes y que los sacrificios son absolutamente necesarios.
Desde el ICEA, por el contrario, opinan que es falso que sólo estas reformas sean posibles, afirman que los sacrificios solo los están haciendo quienes menos tienen y que con la excusa de la crisis los más ricos están llenando sus bolsillos y aprovechando para aumentar los niveles de explotación y el saqueo a los bienes públicos.
Nos lo explican en la siguiente entrevista:
Durante estos meses hemos contemplado alarmantes mensajes desde la prensa y medios, que afirmaban la posibilidad de “contagio” de los problemas económicos de Irlanda y Portugal. ¿Quiénes son las personas que llevan a cabo esos análisis económicos?
Las personas que llevan a cabo estos análisis son empleados de las grandes consultorías y empresas financieras, de sus vertientes mediáticas (de los grandes medios de comunicación controlados por dichas grandes empresas financieras y demás) o de la Universidad. En todo caso, todos ellos han sido formados en el dogma económico neoliberal y se mueven en un ambiente cultural que les refuerza una visión sesgada e interesada de las cosas. Por sus relaciones personales y profesionales, por su imbricación en el conjunto de elementos de conformación y legitimación del actual estado de cosas, no pueden tener otra perspectiva ni defender otras posiciones que las que interesan al gran capital. Su supervivencia económica y mediática está ligada a intereses muy concretos.
La reunión de ZP con los empresarios más importantes del país, ¿qué tiene que ver con el anuncio de recortes y privatizaciones? ¿En qué medida beneficia a los grandes empresarios las medidas tomadas?
Los grandes empresarios, con toda su red de grupos empresariales, accionariado cruzado, oculto y externalizado, pueden acceder así a mercados que hasta hace poco les estaban vedados (como los aeropuertos o la lotería, pero también la educación o las contratas del Estado). Además, la existencia de un cuerpo funcionarial con buenas condiciones económicas es un elemento disruptor y un mal ejemplo a la hora de proceder al desmantelamiento absoluto y precarización total del empleo privado. Todo ataque, pues, a lo público, será bienvenido por el gran Capital.
¿Por qué el gobierno puede emitir deuda pero no puede devaluar la moneda?
Cuando se introdujo el Euro como moneda única, el Banco de España perdió la capacidad de emitir moneda (y por lo tanto, la capacidad de devaluar su moneda en el mercado de divisas) y dicha política quedó restringida sólo al Banco Central Europeo (BCE). El objetivo fundamental del BCE es mantener la inflación en un 2%, dejando a un lado las demás políticas monetarias y fiscales, ya que en la predominante teoría económica, se piensa que el dinero no tiene que tomar un papel predominante a la hora de establecer una estrategia global de crecimiento y competitividad.
Así, los estados miembros de la Zona Euro (ZE) han perdido esa posibilidad de jugar con su divisa (donde podían devaluar la moneda para abaratar las exportaciones haciendo el país más competitivo, véase China), mientras que todavía se enfrentan al problema de la financiación. La única forma que tienen los estados de la Zona Euro de financiarse es emitiendo deuda pública, ya que les está prohibido tomar dinero directamente a través del BCE, cosa que antes podían hacer directamente desde su propio Banco Nacional. A las únicas entidades que les está permitida la entrada a las subastas de crédito del BCE son a los bancos privados. Estos, mediante un sistema de subastas adquieren préstamos al tipo de interés que marca el Euribor. Por lo que comúnmente, son los bancos los que prestan a los estados y no el BCE. Digo comúnmente porque en la crisis actual, se le ha permitido al BCE comprar deuda pública de países en una situación delicada, como Grecia e Irlanda.
¿Por qué el BCE no puede comprar deuda española a un interés más bajo que el que oferta la banca privada?
La negativa a prestar a los Estados de forma directa es porque de esta forma se minaría la competitividad y podrían darse situaciones de favoritismo entre países, por lo que se le deja al mercado que autorregule los tipos de interés de una forma más «eficiente». Los tipos de interés están marcados por las agencias de rating y la capacidad que tenga el estado de asegurar sus bonos (los más importantes son a 2-5 y 10 años). Es por esto por lo que se han dado situaciones un tanto surrealistas, donde lo gobiernos eran los que estaban inyectando dinero público en los bancos privados para que no fueran a la bancarrota, y mientras que eran estos mismos bancos privados los únicos que podían financiar al gobierno con un tipo de interés más alto del que ellos tenían. Así, los bancos que estaban en quiebra adquirían dinero más barato que los estados, haciendo que la capacidad de financiación de estos fuera mucho menor. En unas pocas semanas, un estado que era solvente se ha podido ver en la incapacidad de financiarse.
¿Cómo especula la banca privada para elevar el interés de la deuda española? El mecanismo se nos escapa.
La banca paga un interés mayor por deuda que considera de más arriesgado cobro. Aquí intervienen las famosas agencias de rating (Moody´s, Fitch y Standard´s and Poors) que se suponen que son las encargadas de determinar la solvencia de una determinada emisión de deuda y calificarla, según una serie de criterios opacos y no públicos. Estas agencias le dan una determinada “nota” a cada emisión deuda pública. La bajada de la “nota” implica que la banca considera la inversión más arriesgada, y por tanto, pide un interés mayor a cambio de prestar el dinero. Se da la circunstancia de que la actividad de estas agencias ha sido reiteradamente denunciada (por ejemplo, hay una querella contra ellas por un delito de “alteración del precio de las cosas” en la Audiencia Nacional española) por su actuación poco clara en connivencia con los operadores privados. Por ejemplo: aunque bajan la nota de la deuda pública española, no se la bajan a los bancos que compran esa misma deuda, lo que les permite hacer pingües beneficios.
El dinero que no va a ser entregado a los parados, los famosos 426 euros…, ¿en qué van a ser empleados? ¿A quiénes van a ir a parar? ¿Qué cantidad suponen con respecto al déficit? ¿Por qué una medida de ese tipo “tranquiliza los mercados”?
Se supone que van a ser destinados al pago de la deuda pública española y a la posible recapitalización del sistema financiero (bancos y cajas) para garantizar su solvencia. Esto “tranquiliza a los mercados”, porque les permite asegurarse de que van a cobrar las cantidades que se les deben (tanto por parte del estado como de los operadores financieros privados) con antelación a cualquier tipo de interés social o público que pudiera estorbar dicho cobro.
Parece claro que el gobierno asume que los empresarios crean empleo, y que hay que facilitarles y subvencionarles el despido, la contratación, bajarles impuestos… ¿Estas medidas crean empleo?
Realmente, estas medidas no crean empleo y, desde cierto punto de vista, se puede decir incluso que lo destruyen al abatir la demanda solvente de las clases subalternas. La disminución de las indemnizaciones por despido no han conseguido, pese a haberse repetido los últimos años, que el mercado español de trabajo se reanimase, ni que aumentase sustancialmente la contratación indefinida. La idea de que, al ser más barato despedir, va a contratarse más, se ha demostrado claramente falsa, ante el hecho de que el ajuste español ante la crisis en términos de empleo ha sido el más grande del mundo, lo que se ha visto enormemente facilitado por la enorme bolsa de contratación temporal y las condiciones precarias de trabajo. Lo cierto ha sido, de hecho, que a más facilidad de despido, más despidos.
¿Por qué mecanismos los recortes en las pensiones, en la sanidad, en la educación, tranquilizan los mercados y crean empleo? No parece tener nada que ver una cosa con la otra.
Porque los recortes y privatizaciones permiten que sectores enteros de actividad, que se mantenían ajenos al mundo del mercado y constituían una especie de salario indirecto para los trabajadores, entren a poder ser valorizados (a convertirse en fuentes de pluvalor) para el capital privado. El capital, entonces, se libra de la competencia supuestamente desleal del Estado, y puede extraer recursos y beneficios de sectores que anteriormente le estaban vedados. A mayores recortes en la escuela pública, mayor desarrollo de la privada, por ejemplo.
¿No podría sacarse dinero extra de las plusvalías acumuladas por los ricos? ¿Qué efecto tendría que fuesen las grandes fortunas las que tuviesen que asumir el coste social de la crisis, por ejemplo de los 426 euros para parados de larga duración?
Se trataría de un efecto de redistribución de la riqueza, obviamente beneficioso para la sociedad, que permitiría el aumento de la demanda y la reactivación del consumo, acelerando la recuperación económica. Sin embargo, habría que tener en cuenta que sin una socialización clara de los medios de producción, no se trataría más que una cierta tregua, un nuevo equilibrio, que sería inmediatamente puesto en cuestión en los siguientes episodios de la lucha de clases.

Entrevista realizada al Instituto de Ciencias Económicas y de la Autogestión (ICEA).

 
  

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