¿QUÉ ES LA AIT?

Introducción

Desde los albores de la humanidad, el progreso ha consistido siempre en la universalidad de las cosas, Así surgieron, por la guerra y la dominación, los imperios, y también las grandes supersticiones organizadas (religiones) que doblegan la mente del individuo para mejor sumisión de los poderosos.
Con las revoluciones burguesas y el cambio de manos del poder y del capital, se crean los modernos Estados nacionales, como forma perfecta para mantener aislados, y aún enfrentados, a los explotados del mundo. Es por ello el internacionalismo el instrumento idóneo para, mediante una lucha sin cuartel, acabar con el triple yugo del Estado-capital-religión que tiene sumida a la mayor parte del género humano en la más absoluta de las miserias.
Hace ya más de siglo y medio que los trabajadores de todo el mundo se tendieron la mano y crearon la Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores (A.I.T.) como fórmula previa para la consecución de la mejora moral y material del proletariado, de una sociedad en libertad, sin explotación sin jerarquías de ningún tipo.
Conscientes de que a la libertad sólo se puede llegar por caminos de libertad, las diferentes Secciones de la Internacional prefiguran en su funcionamiento la anhelada sociedad futura: las decisiones se toman entre todos, los cargos son destituibles en todo momento y sólo tienen carácter relacionador, no se admite la delegación permanente, se aplica la acción directa, no se entra en el juego burgués de los comités de empresa, las subvenciones o los cargos retribuidos…
Presentamos hoy nuestra Internacional a quienes todavía no nos conocen. Para ellos hemos trazado una definición de lo que es el anarcosindicalismo (o sindicalismo revolucionario, o sindicalismo anárquico o libertario, que tanto da) extraída de la versión española de la Enciclopedia Anarquista, así como una pequeña y sucinta historia de la Internacional, también en parte sacada de la misma obra. Finalizamos con nuestros Estatutos, completados y perfeccionados en el último Congreso (diciembre de 1996).
Si bien estos documentos que ofrecemos son importantes, quizá lo es más la práctica cotidiana de todas las Secciones de la Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores.
Abril de 1997

ANARCOSINDICALISMO

El anarcosindicalismo es un medio de organización y un método de lucha y de acción directa de los trabajadores que tiene sus raíces en los postulados de la Primera Internacional y en los del sindicalismo revolucionario. Se inspira en fuentes esencialmente federalistas y anarquistas y, con neta actuación revolucionaria y clara orientación libertaria en la práctica, tiende constantemente a conquistar las máximas mejoras, en todos los sentidos, para la clase obrera, con miras a su integral emancipación la supresión de todo género de explotación y de opresión del hombre por su semejante o por una institución cualquiera, y al mismo tiempo lucha por la abolición de todo capitalismo y de toda forma de Estado.
Opuesto irreductiblemente a los sistemas sociales y políticos actualmente imperantes, propugna por la transformación radical de las sociedades y regímenes en el-los asentados y por la instauración de un medio social de convivencia humana basado en los principios del comunismo libertario.
El anarcosindicalismo no es una doctrina ni una filosofía. Su contenido teórico lo extrae del socialismo humanista y principalmente del anarquismo, en cuyos postulados de defensa integral de la personalidad humana, de la libertad, de solidaridad, de apoyo mutuo y de asociación voluntaria y federativa, halla su más sólido fundamento.
El anarcosindicalismo, dentro del movimiento obrera moderno, constituye una corriente sindical absolutamente independiente, de acusadas características propias, lo mismo por su contenido básico que por su forma de organización y su desenvolvimiento funcional, exento de todo centralismo y dc toda burocracia. Tiene siempre en cuenta la personalidad del afiliado y estimula su participación en la vida sindical. Respeta la autonomía de las secciones, de los sindicatos, de la, federaciones y confederaciones. Se singulariza también poi los métodos de acción directa que emplea, por su dinámica y estrategia de lucha y por su orientación social finalista. Otro de sus rasgos distintivos inconfundibles es su rechazo a toda colaboración de clases, a todo compromiso con el capitalismo o con el Estado, aun en nombre del ”interés nacional” ; a toda participación o intervención en organismo alguno mixto u oficial dependiente del gobierno o del patronato; a los arbitrajes y legalismos y a toda especie de intermediarios en las contiendas sociales cotidianas. El anarcosindicalismo, considerándose en lucha permanente y sin tregua contra el sistema que combate y se propone abolir, rehusa todo cuanto limite, coarte e interfiera su libertad de acción. Su posición se halla siempre a la vanguardia de la lucha social y de las reivindicaciones de los trabajadores. El anarcosindicalismo mantiene vivo entre las masas obreras el espíritu revolucionario. Las ejercita y entrena en el combate consciente y directo voluntario, en el desarrollo de sus propias iniciativas, a la vez que contribuye a su capacitación y máxima preparación, sobre todo con el fin de que puedan asumir conscientemente, prescindiendo de todo partido político, sus responsabilidades en la autogestión directa en la nueva sociedad libre, justa y solidaria a construir y a organizar. En ella, suprimidas las clases, con la ayuda de todos los adelantos científicos y técnicos, se procurará facilitar a todos y a cada uno, por medio del trabajo y del esfuerzo individual y colectivo, el máximo de bienestar y de seguridad, con imprescriptible, intangible e inalienable respeto a la libertad y a la personalidad de cada ser humano, objetivo primordial coincidente con el anarquismo.
El anarcosindicalismo no pretende ser un fin en si ni crear una nueva ideología social preferentemente sindicalista.
Tampoco pretende asumir total y globalmente la representación y administración de la sociedad nueva ni plasmarla en un sentido uniforme y de esquemas inamovibles. Su concepción del comunismo anárquico está viva, abierta al provenir y a las diversas modalidades perfectibles de aplicación, con tal que sean de base esencialmente libertaria.

OBJETIVOS Y FINALIDADES

El anarcosindicalismo tiene clara noción de que no depende de su sola y única fuerza el desencadenar la revolución social para derrocar al capitalismo y al Estado, para conseguir la renovación y la transformación de la sociedad, y de que no podría tampoco asumir exclusivamente todas las responsabilidades funcionales en el desenvolvimiento del futuro. No pretende convertirse en un nuevo orden de su misma denominación, con predominio monopolizador determinante,
Tampoco presenta a los hombres el comunismo anárquico como una panacea o fórmula mágica única de solución económica, social y política, sino como una de las más viables, racionales, lógicas, justas y éticas finalidades de carácter sociológico para la convivencia libre, armoniosa y solidaria entre los seres humanos que desean y anhelan una sociedad nueva, sin antagonismos intestinos, sin alienación de la individualidad y en la que las relaciones humanas puedan desenvolverse sin constricciones autoritarias.

Presenta la solución comunista libertaria con amplia y abierta concepción evolutiva y perfectible, sin planes rígidos ni uniformes, pues, además de tener conciencia de las grandes mutaciones y transformaciones que en el devenir se producirán en el mundo y en la humanidad, no puede ignorar que las modalidades de aplicación del comunismo anárquico, aun conservando y afirmando una coincidencia en sus grandes líneas esenciales y en lo fundamental, encaminada siempre a su más óptima plena y perfecta realización ofrecerán sus variantes, dadas las condiciones reales, existentes en cada país, las ambientales, de mentalidad y psicológicas las de los propios recursos naturales y de su mismo desarrollo económico, industrial, etc., y por otras causas complejas, que tienen sus influencias en el comportamiento de los hombres y que se hallan arraigadas en la biología misma de las sociedades.
Las mismas formas de organización sindical que adopta hoy el anarcosindicalismo dentro del sistema capitalista, con sus estructuras industriales, agrícolas, económicas, financieras y otras de tipo diverso complejo que le son peculiares, y a las cuales aquél no puede dejar de tener presentes, para la mayor eficacia de su combate ofensivo y defensivo, no son inamovibles. El anarcosindicalismo, a través de sus propias experimentaciones, y sobre la marcha, cuenta con aptitud y opción para modificarlas o perfeccionarlas, siempre respetando las bases funcionales federalistas y de autonomía, la finalidad y esencia libertaria, en razón de los cambios mismos que pueden operarse al ser sustituido el sistema capitalista-estatal por la nueva sociedad comunista libertaria, las bases de la cual exigirán necesarios e indispensables cambios y reajustes, en el orden económico, de producción y de distribución ,funcional y de servicios, de organización del trabajo en la compleja y complicadísima gama de cosas vitales y aspectos a considerar que afectan al conjunto social.
El anarcosindicalismo estima que el sindicato y la organización sindical de este tipo puede y debe ser uno de los pilares más firmes en el que habrá de apoyarse y sostenerse la sociedad.

SINGULARES CARACTERÍSTICAS DEL ANARCOSINDICALISMO

Una de las características y virtudes más apreciables del anarcosindicalismo es el respeto absoluto a la personalidad del afiliado, al que invita constantemente a militar de manera voluntaria, abnegada, desinteresadamente, en la vida y en la marcha del sindicato, de sus secciones, de las federaciones, de la organización en general; a asumir sus propias responsabilidades; a exponer libremente su criterio, y a tomar sus opciones y decisiones en las asambleas; a participar directamente en la actuación y en la lucha; a aplicar las disposiciones que se deriven de aquellos acuerdos que, de común consenso, la organización haya tomado. Los acuerdos se determinan de abajo a arriba dentro de la organización anarcosindicalista.
En ella los cargos, que se renuevan regularmente, son revocables. Se rechaza el liderato y el burocratismo. La organización sindical anarcosindicalista cuenta siempre con sus únicos y solos medios económicos, a base del producto de las cotizaciones hechas efectivas por sus afiliados, para su desenvolvimiento, actividades, propaganda, solidaridad, es decir, para todas las atenciones de toda índole. Esto contribuye a asegurar su plena y total independencia. Puede afirmarse que no hay una organización sindical tan honrada como la anarcosindicalista. Sus militantes no pueden aspirar a sinecuras de ninguna especie dentro de ella, y a lo largo de su existencia han de dar prueba y ejemplo de su abnegación y recto proceder personal.
El anarcosindicalismo entiende que no hay ni puede haber convivencia libre ni justicia social dentro de la sociedad de clases. Que los fundamentos de ésta perpetúan y consagran la división de los hombres. Que toda reforma que no destruya los cimientos de aquélla no cambiará el fondo de las cosas para los trabajadores, los cuales seguirán siendo oprimidos y explotados. Por estas y otras razones de principio, se manifiesta contrario a la colaboración de clases, a la cogestión, a aceptar la política de participación interesada en las empresas capitalistas. Hay incompatibilidad absoluta entre el anarcosindicalismo y el sistema capitalista-estatal.
El anarcosindicalismo es antiparlamentario por su posición de principio antiautoritaria y por considerar tal procedimiento absolutamente ineficaz desde el punto de vista de la emancipación efectiva de la clase trabajadora. La experiencia de la obra de los partidos políticos obreros de denominación socialista, marxista, demócrata etcétera, que bajo la inspiración del marxismo, especialmente, responsable éste de la escisión de la Primera Internacional y del cultivo de la acción política representativa por parte de los trabajadores, que va ya desde casi mediados del siglo pasado a nuestros días, partidos que en ciertos períodos y lugares han llegado a obtener mayoría absoluta y a formar gobiernos, como así lo hemos visto en varios paises, es suficientemente elocuente y demostrativa de la esterilidad de la lucha en tal terreno.
Dentro del sistema actual imperante todo gobierno socialista, socialdemócrata, de no importa qué adjetivación, por el mecanismo mismo de las fuerzas de presión existentes predominantes en dicho sistema; por el de sus redes y tentáculos entrometidos en todas partes, se ve precisado a servir los propios intereses del capitalismo y del Estado, en nombre del gran interés <> y en detrimento de los de la clase obrera.

HISTORIA DE LA INTERNACIONAL

En 1864, con ocasión de una exposición internacional en Londres, obreros ingleses y franceses se reunieron en la sala San Martín con la idea de realizar la unión estrecha entre los obreros de todos los países. Se formó un comité con la misión de redactar un programa y los estatutos para la Unión internacional. Como miembro de ese Comité fue elegido, entre otros, Carlos Marx, que tomaba parte en los trabajos de la Unión El primer congreso internacional regular tuvo lugar del 3 al 8 de septiembre de 1866, en Ginebra. En aquel congreso quedo constituida definitivamente la organización nternacional, que adoptó el nombre de Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores (A.I.T.), A la cabeza de la A.I.T. ,se hallaba el Consejo General, cuya misión era asegurar el lazo de unión entre las diversas secciones de la organización.
Como objetivo de la A,I.T., el programa especificaba la emancipación económica de la clase obrera. Los estatutos dejaban a cada sección una completa independencia, así como la libertad de entrar directamente en relaciones con el Consejo General. El segundo congreso tuvo lugar en Lausana, del 2 al 7 de septiembre de 1867. En el tercer congreso ”celebrado en Bruselas, del 6 al 13 de septiembre de 1868, fue designada la huelga general como el único medio de impedir la guerra y de asegurar la paz. El cuarto congreso se celebró en Bruselas, del 6 al 13 de septiembre de 1869. En ese congreso empezaron las grandes discusiones entre Marx y Bakunin. El primero preconizaba el centralismo, el parlamentarismo y la acción política como medios de lucha. El segundo predicaba el antiestatismo y el federalismo. Fue en ese congreso donde se vio por primera vez el gran éxito de la idea federalista y la importancia de las uniones obreras. Allí fue donde se afirmó la idea de la anulación del Estado y de reemplazarlo por las uniones de productores. Los comienzos de Bakunin en la Internacional fueron un éxito, así como la influencia creciente del ala antiautoritaria, federalista. Esta era peligrosa para Marx y sus partidarios. Entonces empezó todo un juego de intrigas contra los federalistas que llegó a la disolución de la sección de Ginebra. La sede del Consejo General se hallaba en Londres y estaba bajo la influencia de Carlos Marx. En 1870 no hubo congreso, a causa de la guerra. En 1871, el Consejo General convocó en Londres, una conferencia cerrada, a la cual fueron invitados y estuvieron presentes sobre todo delegados partidarios de Marx y del Consejo General. .
Los belgas, los españoles y los italianos se inclinaban, con Bakunin, hacia el federalismo. Las organizaciones del Jura no estaban presentes en la conferencia. La invitación fue hecha de tal forma que los partidarios del Consejo General se hallaron en mayoría. La conferencia fue utilizada por Marx para declarar obligatoria la acción parlamentaria, rechazada por el lado latino. Eso aconteció por medio de la votación y la adopción de la resolución siguiente:
Visto que el proletariado, como clase, no podría alzarse contra la violencia colectiva de las clases poderosas de otra manera que constituyéndose en un partido político particular, en la lucha contra todos los viejos partidos de las clases burguesas; que la constitución del proletariado en un partido político es indispensable para asegurar el triunfo de la revolución social y de su objetivo final, la abolición de las clases; que la unión de las fuerzas de los trabajadores, que fue ya lograda con ayuda de las luchas económicas, tendrá que servir también como palanca para las masas de esta clase en su lucha contra el poder político de los explotadores, la conferencia declara a los miembros de la Internacional que, en vista del estado de guerra en el cual se encuentra la clase obrera, su acción económica y política están ligadas de manera inseparable.
Conforme a esto, la potencia del Consejo General aumentó. Se apropió un poder autoritario vis a vis de las secciones, con el objeto de velar por la doctrina, El lado latino, que se erguía contra el centralismo y el parlamentarismo, tenía que ser descartado. De esta manera se incrustó una cuña en la Internacional, cuña que finalmente acarrearía una escisión provocada directamente por Carlos Marx en el Quinto Congreso, celebrado en La Haya, del 2 al 7 de septiembre de 1872.
Los partidarios de Marx disponían de 40 votos, los federalistas sólo de 25. Esta proporción desigual de votos fue el resultado de una maquinación de Marx. Tomó todas las disposiciones para que los delegados de Alemania, en donde se hallaban sus partidarios, viniesen en crecido número al Congreso. Así fue fabricada una mayoría marxista. El congreso de La Haya aprobó las decisiones de la conferencia de Londres. La fuerza del Consejo General aumentó todavía y se introdujo en los estatutos de la Internacional un artículo sobre la necesidad de la acción política. El punto de vista de los federalistas, los del Jura a la cabeza, fue expuesto por James Guillaume. Precisó la diferencia entre marxistas y federalistas, declarando que los primeros buscaban conquistar el poder político por medio de la participación en las elecciones parlamentarias, mientras que los segundos trataban de destruirlo. Marx se aprovechó igualmente de ese congreso para lanzar calumnias contra Bakunin, que no estabat presente. Fue formada una comisión compuesta en su mayoría por partidarios de Marx, la cual aprobó la expulsión de Bakunin, de Guillaume, de Schwizguébel y otros más del seno de la Internacional. La expulsión de los dos primeros fue decidida a pesar de la declaración dcl presidente de la Comisión, el delegado alemán Cuno, en el sentido de que no había pruebas materiales contra los acusados. La minoría presentó, en la persona de Víctor Dave, una declaración diciendo que tenía la intención de defender dentro de la Internacional la autonomía federal.
De este forma, las pretensiones injustas y autoritarias de los marxistas trajeron la escisión de la Internacional.
Los federalistas organizaron entonces,a su vez, el Congreso de Saint-Imier, el 15 de septiembre de 1872, en el cual participaron todos los elementos antiautoritarios y federalistas de la Internacional. Toda el ala latina; de esta última estaba representada, particularmente las secciones del Jura, de Italia, de España, de Francia y dos secciones americanas. En ese congreso fueron formulados los principios fundamentales del movimiento obrero libertario, que pueden servir como indicadores del camino al proletariado revolucionario de la época. Las resoluciones sobre la acción política, así como sobre las uniones profesionales y sus tareas se expresan de la manera siguiente:
Considerando:
que querer imponer al proletariado una línea de conducta o un programa político uniforme como vía única que pueda conducirle a su emancipación social es una pretensión tan absurda como reaccionaria; que nadie tiene derecho de privar a las federaciones y secciones autónomas del derecho incuestionable de determinarse ellas mismas y de seguir la línea de conducta política que crean mejor y que todo proceder contrario conducirá fatalmente al más escandaloso dogmatismo; que las aspiraciones del proletariado deben tener como objetivo el establecimiento de una organización y de una federación económicas absolutamente libres, fundadas sobre el trabajo y la igualdad del todo independientes de todo gobierno político, y que esta organización y esta federación no pueden ser más que el resultado de la acción espontánea del proletariado mismo, gremio de artesanos y de comunas autónomas
Considerando:
que toda organización política no puede ser más que la organización del poder en provecho de una clase y en detrimento de las masas, y que si el proletariado quisiera apoderarse del poder se convertiría en una clase dominante y explotadora,
el Congreso reunido en Saint-Imier: declara:
lº Que la destrucción de todo poder político es el primer deber del proletariado;
2º Que toda organización de poder político – aunque se suponga que es provisional y revolucionaria – destinada a efectuar esa destrucción no puede ser más que un engaño y será tan peligrosa para el proletariado como todos los gobiernos existentes hoy en día;
3º Que los proletarios de todos los países deben rechazar todo compromiso en el camino de la Revolución Social y deben establecer una intensa solidaridad de acción revolucionaria, al margen de toda política burguesa.
También se adoptó esta resolución:
La libertad y el trabajo son la base de la moral, de la fuerza, de la vida y de la riqueza del porvenir. Pero el trabajo, si no es libremente organizado, se vuelve opresivo e improductivo para el trabajador y es por eso que la organización del trabajo es la condición indispensable de la verdadera y completa emancipación del obrero.
Sin embargo, el trabajo no se puede ejercer libremente sin la posesión de las materias primas y de todo el capital social; no se puede organizar si antes no se emancipa de la tiranía política y económica, conquistando el obrero el derecho a desenvolverse completamente en la aptitud de todas sus facultades. Todo Estado, es decir, todo gobierno y toda administración de las masas populares de arriba a abajo, al estar fundados necesariamente sobre la burocracia, sobre los ejércitos, sobre el espionaje y sobre el clero, no podrán establecer jamás la sociedad organizada sobre el trabajo y sobre la justicia, ya que, por la naturaleza misma de su organización están fatalmente empujados a oprimir al trabajador y a negar la justicia.
Según nosotros, el obrero no podrá jamás emanciparse de la opresión secular si no sustituye a ese cuerpo absorbente y desmoralizador por la libre federación de todos los grupos productores, fundada sobre la solidaridad y la igualdad.
Después de los congresos de 1872, el de La Haya y el de Saint-lmier, los congresos de las dos tendencias se celebraban separadamente. El Consejo General de la mayoría marxista fue transferido a Nueva York. Aquí fue su entierro. Contrariamente, todas las secciones de la Internacional, a excepción de la sección alemana, abrazaron el punto de vista de las secciones del Jura. Las Trade Unions inglesas estaban de igual modo contra el Consejo General dirigido por Marx.
Cuando un año más tarde las dos tendencias, la marxista y la federalista, convocaron sus congresos en Ginebra, esos congresos se celebraron separadamente.
El segundo Congreso de los antiautoritarios tuvo lugar del 1 al 6 de septiembre de 1873, el de los marxistas del 8 al 13 de septiembre. Se veía claro, ahora, que los marxistas se hallaban en plena derrota. Fue el último Congreso. El Congreso dc los federalistas fue muy frecuentado. Elaboró nuevos estatutos para la Internacional. El Consejo General fue suprimido.
La cuestión de la huelga general fue discutida, aunque no fue definitivamente solucionada visto el número restringido de organizaciones obreras en esa época. El Congreso de los marxistas fue un fracaso completo. Aparte de los delegados alemanes y austríacos, no hubo apenas otras representaciones, de forma que se vio obligado a renunciar a nuevas convocatorias para congresos ulteriores. El ala antiautoritaria y federalista se mantuvo. Mas ella también sufrió mucho, por una parte, a causa de la escisión provocada por Marx, y, por otra, a causa de la reacción general instaurada en toda Europa después de la caída de la Comuna. Todavía se celebraron tres congresos: el 3º en Bruselas, del 7 al 13 septiembre de 1874; el 4º en Berna, del 26 al 29 de octubre de 1876; y el 5º en Verviers, del 6 al 8 de septiembre de 1877. En 1877 tuvo lugar en Ginebra un Congreso general socialista de donde nació la Internacional socialdemócrata. No tardaron en entenderse las dos internacionales marxistas, y se creó una oficina común para las dos, Fue el fin de los congresos y de la Internacional.
A partir de ese momento empezó otro periodo que dio origen a la formación y organización de la internacional conocida con el nombre de Segunda Internacional.
La época que siguió fue de franca decadencia del movimiento obrero internacional. La hegemonía de Alemania sobre el continente europeo, después de la guerra de 1870-71, trajo también una preponderancia del movimiento obrero alemán sobre el de los otros países, en especial en los latinos.
Con esto, lo métodos alemanes del parlamentarismo tomaron superioridad, mientras que el ala federalista de la Primera Internacional iba declinando de día en día.
Pasaron algunos años antes que los elementos libertarios estuvieran suficientemente fuertes, en el seno del movimiento obrero, para que pudieran reunirse en un plano internacional. Con el desarrollo del sindicalismo revolucionario antiestatal se vivificó el movimiento obrero internacional en cl sentido de la tendencia antiautoritaria de la Primera Internacional. Al considerar esta tendencia, desde el punto de vista económico, a las organizaciones profesionales como los órganos llamados a guiar la lucha del proletariado consciente de su deber de clase y como los indicados para llevar a cabo la revolución social, el sindicalismo revolucionario tomó fuerza y continuó esta tendencia.
En 1913 se reunieron en Londres los delegados de las organizaciones sindicalistas revolucionarias de casi todos los países europeos y de otros lugares, con el fin de poner la primera piedra de la nueva internacional obrera que seguiría .el camino trazado por la Primera Internacional. La resolución principal adoptada en Londres decía:
El primer Congreso Internacional Sindicalista reconoce que la clase obrera de todos los países sufre la misma represión por parte del Estado y del sistema capitalista. Por tal motivo se declara en favor de la lucha de clases, de la solidaridad internacional y de la organización independiente de la clase obrera sobre la base de unión federativa.
Tiende éste a la elevación material y moral inmediata de la clase obrera hasta la destrucción total del capitalismo y del Estado.
Este declara, además, que la lucha de clases es una consecuencia necesaria de la posesión privada de los medios de producción y de distribución y que, por ende, este Congreso tiende a la socialización de esos medios.
En este sentido deben orientarse la constitución y el desarrollo de las organizaciones sindicalistas, ya que ellas están en las mejores condiciones de poder asegurar la producción y la distribución de los productos en beneficio de la sociedad entera.
Comprobando que los sindicatos internacionales no pueden realizar con éxito la lucha de clases si los obreros continúan divididos por diferencias políticas y religiosas, el Congreso declara que la lucha de clases, como tal, no podrá tener más que carácter económico, por lo que las organizaciones obreras no deben buscar el fin enunciado por medio de colaboraciones con el gobierno ni con sus aliados, y que ellas se deben apoyar únicamente en el poder de las organizaciones y en su acción directa.
Como consecuencia de esta declaración el Congreso hace un llamamiento a los trabajadores de todos los países para que se unan en organizaciones industriales, federales, independientes, sobre la base de la solidaridad internacional, con el fin de liberarse completamente de la opresión ejercida por el Estado y el capitalismo.
Desgraciadamente, la obra encaminada a conseguir la unión internacional de las organizaciones industriales revolucionarias libertarias fue interrumpida por la guerra que estalló en 1914. Todos los países se cerraron herméticamente. Toda relación internacional de los trabajadores fue casi imposible. La reacción duró hasta el fin de la guerra. La revolución en Rusia y en Europa Central creó una nueva situación. Las fuerzas dispersas del proletariado revolucionario volvieron a unirse. Sin embargo, una tentativa de continuar la obra emprendida en Londres en 1913 tuvo éxito en 1920. Ese año se celebró una conferencia sindicalista preliminar en Berlín, del 16 al 21 de diciembre. Se adoptaron las siguientes resoluciones:
1º La Internacional Revolucionaria del Trabajo se declara sin reserva alguna en pro de la lucha de clases revolucionaria y del poder de la clase obrera.
2º La Internacional Revolucionaria del Trabajo tiende a la destrucción y al aniquilamiento del régimen económico, político y moral del sistema capitalista y tiende a la fundación de una sociedad comunista libre.
3º La conferencia tiene plena conciencia que la clase obrera es la única que está en condiciones de destruir la esclavitud económica, política y moral, impuestas por el capitalismo, si aplica de manera severa y enérgica sus medios de poder económico, los cuales encuentran sus más potentes medios de expresión para lograr ese fin en la acción directa revolucionaria de la clase obrera.
4º Como consecuencia, la Internacional Revolucionaria del Trabajo hace suyo el punto de vista de que la construcción y la organización de la producción y de la distribución son tareas primordiales en la organización económica de cada país.
5º La Internacional Revolucionaria del Trabajo es completamente independiente de todo partido político. En caso que la Internacional Revolucionaria del Trabajo decidiera una acción determinada y algún partido político o cualquier organización se declarasen de acuerdo con esa acción o viceversa, entonces, la ejecución de esta acción puede hacerse en común con esos partidos y organizaciones.
6º La Conferencia hace un llamado urgente a todas las organizaciones sindicalistas revolucionarias e industriales invitándolas a tomar parte en el Congreso convocado para el l’ de mayo de 1921 en Moscú por el Consejo Provisional de la Internacional Sindical Roja (I.S.R.) con el fin de fundar una I nternacional Revolucionara del Trabajo unificada para todos los trabajadores del mundo.
Cuando en el verano de 1921 tuvo lugar en Moscú el Congreso constitutivo de la Internacional Sindical Roja (I.S.R.) los sindicalistas revolucionarios estuvieron allí representados en gran número. También hubo, sin embargo, organizaciones sindicalistas revolucionarias que ya en esa ’.poca adoptaban el punto de vista de no querer vivir bajo los auspicios del gobierno de Rusia. En primera línea de ese punto de vista se encontraban los sindicalistas alemanes que, con motivo de una delegación enviada a Moscú, habían hecho previamente un referéndum en sus filas que dio resultado negativo. Se suponía, por otra parte, que los comunistas rusos no tolerarían jamás una internacional sindicalista revolucionaria verdaderamente independiente, es decir antiautoritaria, ya que ellos defendían la teoría según la cual el Partido debía ejercer una dictadura sobre uniones profesionales. Esta suposición estaba plenamente justificada, Habiendo formado una mayoría con arreglo a sus deseos, los usos lograron ahogar la opinión de los sindicalistas revolucionarios, Pero ya en Moscú la minoría estrechó sus lazos poniéndose de acuerdo acerca de la publicación de un manifiesto contra el Congreso. En el Congreso de los anarcosindicalistas en Dusseldorf en el otoño de 1921, tuvo lugar una pequeña conferencia internacional con delegados de Estados Unidos, Suecia, Holanda y Alemania.
En esa conferencia se tomó la decisión de convocar en Berlín, al año siguiente, una conferencia internacional de las organizaciones que no estuvieron de acuerdo con las decisiones del Congreso de Moscú. Esa conferencia preliminar de los sindicalistas tuvo lugar en Berlín, del 16 al 18 de junio de 1922. Estaban representadas en ella: La Frei Arbeiter Union Deutschlands (Alemania), la Unione Sindicale Italiana (Italia), la Confederación General del Trabajo Unitaria (Francia), la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (España), la Sveriges Arbetaren Centralorganization (Suecia), la Norsk Sindikalistisk Federation (Noruega), la minoría sindicalista de las uniones profesionales rusas y la Federación Obrera Regional Argentina. Fue admitido como observador un representante de las uniones profesionales rusas.
La última gran discusión con las uniones profesionales rusas tuvo lugar en esta conferencia. En el momento que debía ser elaborada una resolución de protesta contra las persecuciones de los obreros revolucionarios, los representantes de la minoría sindicalista de Rusia intentaron también abogar por la liberación de los revolucionarios encarcelados en la Rusia soviética. El representante de las uniones profesionales rusas, Andreieff, defendió los puntos políticos del gobierno ruso. Estalló entonces una dura discusión. Finalmente, fue nombrada una Comisión que presentó claramente al representante de las uniones profesionales rusas, las dos cuestiones siguientes:
lº ¿El Comité Central de las uniones profesionales rusas piensa intervenir, de manera formal, con vistas a la liberación de todos los sindicalistas y anarquistas encarcelados por sus ideas?
2º ¿Tiene el mismo Comité la intención de exigir que los camaradas puedan desarrollar libremente sus actividades revolucionarias dentro de las uniones profesionales, a condición de que no luchen contra el gobierno ruso con las armas en la mano?
La respuesta a esas cuestiones fue dada por tres veces, pero siempre equívoca. Se vio con claridad que el gobierno ruso era defendido por las uniones profesionales rusas. La Conferencia se pronunció entonces en favor de los revolucionarios encarcelados en la Rusia soviética. Cuando el representante de las uniones profesionales rusas comprendió que tenía la partida perdida abandonó la Conferencia. Desde ese momento la separación de las uniones profesionales autoritarias de la Rusia soviética y de las organizaciones sindicalistas revolucionarias antiautoritarias fue un hecho definitivo. La Conferencia elaboró en diez tesis una declaración de principios del sindicalismo revolucionario que fue aprobada unánimemente. Esta declaración fue adoptada casi íntegramente por el Congreso constitutivo ulterior de la Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores, La citamos más abajo. A continuación la Conferencia adoptó una resolución contra la Internacional Roja, pues, según se afirmaba en aquella resolución no se veía la verdadera base sobre la cual podría unirse el proletariado revolucionario del mundo entero. Se constituyó una oficina provisional que debía convocar a un congreso internacional de los sindicalistas revolucionarios.
A ese congreso fueron invitadas también las organizaciones adheridas a la Internacional Roja. La sede de la oficina fue fijada en Berlín.
En fin, del 25 de diciembre de 1922 al 2 de enero de 1923 tuvo lugar, en Berlín, el Congreso constitutivo de los sindicalistas revolucionarios. En ese Congreso estaban representadas las organizaciones sindicales revolucionarias de Argentina, Chile, Dinamarca, Alemania, Francia (Comité de defensa sindicalista), Holanda, Italia, México, Noruega, Portugal, Rusia (la minoría), Suecia, España, Checoslovaquia la minoría. Allí se aprobó la declaración de principios, se elaboraron los estatutos y se adoptó el nombre de Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores. Así resucitó la A.I.T.” tanto de nombre como en esencia,
La A.I.T. tuvo su II Congreso en Holanda, en la primavera de 1925. La organización se consolidó. Tomó claramente posición frente a las otras tendencias dentro del movimiento obrero.
Digna de señalar es la resolución de clausura del III Congreso, celebrado en 1928, en Lieja (Bélgica), en la que se decía: …
El proletariado debe, en efecto, recordar constantemente que su liberación no será posible más que en la desaparición del orden social existente y que únicamente cuando haya conquistado los medios de producción de distribución y de cambio podrá instaurar el verdadero socialismo, permitiendo al individuo expansionarse libremente.
Veinticinco países estuvieron representados en el IV Congreso, celebrado en Madrid, en junio de 1931. Congreso laborioso y de trascendental importancia, fijó normas de organización de las Federaciones Internacionales de Industria y se pronunció netamente contra las doctrinas nacionalistas y contra el fascismo.
En el V Congreso, celebrado en París en el verano de 1935, el estudio se centró sobre la situación que se había creado con la victoria del fascismo y la contrarrevolución en América :Latina, Austria, Alemania, Italia, Portugal y otros países.
Aquella preocupación la comprobación del peligro creciente que ella representaba y la adopción de medidas defensivas necesarias no impidió que, a su vez, fuesen examinadas cuestiones de orden interno, introduciéndose algunas modificaciones en sus estatutos.
Después del VI Congreso (París 1938), las actividades de la Internacional habían de sufrir una momentánea reducción. El conflicto mundial desencadenado por el nazifascismo en 1939 rompió en gran parte las relaciones del Secretariado Internacional (radicado en Suecia) con las respectivas secciones.
El VII Congreso no se celebró hasta 1951, en Toulouse (Francia), Asistían al mismo delegaciones de la Sección Española (representaciones de la organización clandestina del interior y del exilio), de Bulgaria (exilio), Suecia, Inglaterra, Alemania, Argentina, Italia, Holanda, Noruega, Dinamarca, Austria y Cuba. Entre las resoluciones fundamentales de aquel comicio conviene señalar la de la creación de subsecretariados internacionales en áreas geográficas o lingüisticas.
En el mes de julio de 1953, en la ciudad de Puteaux (Francia), se celebró el VIII Congreso Internacional, con la asistencia de 19 delegaciones, de las cuales 5 estaban en calidad de observadores. Este Congreso puso punto final al problema planteado en el seno de la A.I.T. por la actitud de la C.N.T. española durante la guerra civil y la revolución en aquel país, reconociendo que aquella actitud de colaboración de carácter transitorio, había sido superada y zanjada por los acuerdos de esta misma Sección en su Congreso de 1945, en París.
Participaron en el IX Congreso (Marsella – Francia – 1956) las secciones de Suecia, Dinamarca, Francia, Noruega, España, Uruguay, Argentina, Italia, Bulgaria, Chile, Holanda y Gran Bretaña. En el mismo comenzaron a señalarse las diferencias fundamentales que iban a provocar años más tarde la separación de las secciones holandesa y sueca, partidarias de una adaptación de los principios y tácticas de la A.I.T. a las situaciones especiales que pudieran plantearse en cada país, abandonando la acción directa y encaminándose hacia las tácticas de cogestión.
El Congreso, después de varias sesiones dedicadas a la discusión de este aspecto fundamental, ya que iba a determinar un cambio completo de línea revolucionaria, reafirmó netamente los principios y tácticas de la A.I.T. contra la voluntad de las dos secciones más arriba mencionadas.
El mismo problema había de venir, sin embargo, a las deliberaciones del X Congreso, celebrado dos años después, al plantearse la especial posición de la sección sueca que, por el abandono de los principios y tácticas reafirmados por la Internacional, se colocaba al margen de la misma.
Se llegó a la resolución de crear grupos de ”Amigos de la A.I.T..” allá donde la presencia de un pequeño grupo de militantes permitiese la realización de la propaganda tal como fue decidida en el Congreso.
El XI Congreso (Burdeos, 1961) se desarrolla en plena ”Guerra Fría” ; los sindicatos del mundo se orientan hacia una de las tres organizaciones internacionales reformistas: cristiana, socialdemócrata o comunista. La A.I.T., pasa por momentos difíciles, con sus Secciones más emblemáticas minimizadas por la represión estatal.
El debate sobre las relaciones con otras internacionales sindicales no estuvo ausente del XII Congreso (Puteaux, 1963).
Más constructivo resulta el XIII Congreso (Burdeos, 1967). Se estudian ponencias sobre economía, colectivismo, cooperativismo y sobre la manera de hacer más eficaz la propaganda.
El XIV Congreso, celebrado en Montpellier en 1971, hace un estudio para la penetración de la Internacional en los países subdesarrollados y se define la autogestión que durante la Revolución Española de 1936-39 se llamó colectivización y socialización.
También fue el XV Congreso (París, 1976) prolífico en resoluciones sobre la problemática del mundo: guerras por doquier, dictaduras, hambre, degradación del medio ambiente…
Al XVI Congreso (París, 1979) se incorporan nuevas Secciones y la C.N.T. española está representada, tras muchos años de dictadura, por una delegación del interior. Se estrechan las relaciones con la Internacional de Federaciones Anarquistas.
En 1984 se celebra en Madrid el XVII Congreso. Se admiten nuevas Secciones y se adoptan importantes resoluciones analizando la situación del mundo y las tensiones creadas por los dos imperialismos (U.S.A.. y U.R.S.S.) que se han repartido la hegemonía en dos zonas de influencia.
El XVIII Congreso (Burdeos, 1988) analiza una serie de problemas enraizados en el mundo laboral (paro, emigración…).
Tres años después de la caída del Muro de Berlín y del derrumbe del comunismo de Estado, se celebra el XIX Congreso (Colonia, 1992). En él se elaboran estrategias de penetración en los países del antiguo bloque soviético, así como un estudio sobre el racismo. Fruto de este Congreso será la celebración de una conferencia internacional sobre sexualidad.
A principios de diciembre de 1996 se celebra en Madrid el XX Congreso, A la alegría de dar la bienvenida a siete nuevas Secciones y a dos grupos de ”Amigos de la A.I.T.”, se une la tristeza de tener que prescindir de parte de las organizaciones de Francia y de Italia por su participación en maniobras reformistas. Se amplían los Estatutos de la A.I.T., con el fin de contemplar situaciones como la degradación del medio ambiente o la discriminación por razones de sexualidad. Se hacen más explícitas las negativas a subvenciones, cargos retribuidos y participación en comités de empresa. Se da el espaldarazo a los subsecretariados con la reactivación del latinoamericano. El futuro es esperanzador: existen Secciones de la Internacional en los cinco continentes.

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